This assignment can be completed at any point in the quarter. The write-up should be saved as a pdf and uploaded to Canvas no later than Nov 29 by 11:59pm.
Attend a campus event focused on feminist or social justice issues and write a 650-750-word report(2.5-3 pages double-spaced) on the event and its connections to themes we are exploring in this course. Write as if you were explaining the event to friends who did not attend the event and are not in Femst 20: make sure you describe key aspects of the event and clearly define the course concepts and themes that you are discussing.
In your report, identify:
- the main theme(s) of the event
- who was in attendance and how they participated / how they responded
- your experience of the event and how you responded personally and/or politically
- connections to at least 2 ideas presented in our course readings, referring to specific page numbers and properly citing the relevant sources.
This assignment should properly cite all materials referenced and follow either MLA or APA style guide (ask your TA if they have a preference).
A provisional list of events will be posted and periodically updated on the course Canvas page. If you would like to attend an event that is not included on this list, please consult with your TA and/or the instructor to see if it is a good fit for this assignment.
Why is this a useful Femst 20 assignment?
This assignment is meant to help you recognize how ideas and concepts discussed in the course apply to issues and struggles happening outside of the classroom. It is also meant to help you develop your ability to choose among different forms and styles of writing.
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Rentschler23safetytipsforladies.pdf
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hillcollinsTruthtellingandintellectualactivism.pdf
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Fixmer-Oraiz26Yam_2021_Queer_ingReproductiveJustice.pdf
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Ross-UnderstandingReproductiveJustice-2006.pdf
Carrie Rentschler / 56. #safetytipsforladies 581
in Social Movements and the Transformation of American Health Care, edited by Jane Banaszak-Holl, Sandra Levitsky, and Mayer N. Zald. New York: Oxford University Press.
Taylor, verta, and Nancy Whittier. 1992. “Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities: Lesbian Feminist Mobili- zation.” Pp. 104–129 in Frontiers in Social Movement The- ory, edited by Aldon D. Morris and Carole McClurg Mueller. New Haven: Yale University Press.
valenti, Jessica. 2007. Full Frontal Feminism. Berkeley, CA: Seal Press.
van Dyke, Nella, Sarah Soule, and verta Taylor. 2004. “The Tar- gets of Social Movements: Beyond a Focus on the State.” Pp. 27–51 in Authority in Contention, Vol. 25, edited by Daniel J. Myers and Daniel M. Cress. Oxford: JAI Press.
van Laer, Jeroen. 2010. “Activists ‘Online’ and ‘Offline’: The Internet as an Information Channel for Protest Demonstra- tions.” Mobilization 15(3): 405–417.
Wall, Melissa A. 2007. “Social Movements and Email: Expres- sions of Online Identity in the Globalization Protests.” New Media and Society 9(2): 258–277.
Warner, Russ. 2013. Who Wastes More Time at Work: Mil- lennials, Gen X’ers or Boomers? New York: AOL. Retrieved July 3, 2014 (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/russ-warner/ who-wastes-more-time- at-w_b_2618279.html).
Williams, Ray B. 2013. Do Facebook and Other Social Media Encourage Narcissism? New York: Sussex Publishers. Retrieved July 3, 2014 (http://www.psychologytoday.com/ blog/wired-success/ 201306/do-facebook-and-other-social- media-encourage-narcissism).
White, Robert W. 1989. “From Peaceful Protest to Gue- rilla War: Micromobilization of the Provisional Irish Republican Army.” American Journal of Sociology 94(6): 1277–1302.
Whittier, Nancy. 1995. Feminist Generations: The Persistence of the Radical Women’s Movement. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
Yaeger, Taryn. 2012. Who Narrates the World? The OpEd Project 2012 Byline Report. New York: The OpEd Project. Retrieved August 2, 2013 (www.theopedproject.org/index.php?option= com_ content&view=article&id=817&Itemid=149).
READING 56
#safetytipsforladies: Feminist Twitter Takedowns of Victim Blaming
Carrie Rentschler
#safetytipsforladies: A hashtag about how tired women are of being told to do stupid, ineffective, unrealis- tic things to avoid being raped. (Hilary Bowman-Smart 2013a)
HILARY BOWMAN-SMART started #safteytips- forladies on March 21, 2013 out of exaspera- tion with dominant victim blaming anti-rape
advice-giving after reading yet another article advising women how to take a risk management approach to their own safety. As she explained on her blog,
I am absolutely sick to death of being told what to wear and what to do and how to be, as though any of that will somehow save me from being raped. It’s not a woman’s responsibility to prevent sexual assault. How about we teach men not to rape instead? ( Hilary Bowman-Smart 2013b, emphasis in original)
Before March 2013, Twitter hashtags like #SafteyTips- ForWomen shared traditional self-defense tips that
focused on potential victims’ (usually women’s) bodies and behaviors. While women can develop resistance strategies and knowledge of how to fight back against violence, most rape prevention work still places pri- mary responsibility for stopping rape on those who are targeted for this violence (see Rachel Hall 2004; Car- ine Mardorossian 2002; Martha McCaughey 1998; Carrie A. Rentschler 1999). Tweets using #safetytips- forladies called out the victim-blaming focus of most rape prevention, shifting attention from the issue of women staying safe, according to a source at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), to how to stop rape (“Stop Rape” 2013).
After Bowman-Smart’s tweet, others followed suit, humorously tweeting with the hashtag to mock the advice-giving tropes of traditional rape prevention
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582 Part IV: Social Change
a “symbolic rerouting” of anti-rape discourse, an “event marked by … a change of direction” in how we talk about and politicize sexual violence and its prevention (2013, 156). Today, #safetytipsforladies and other feminist hashtag generation around victim blaming responses to sexual violence, like #YesAll- Women (Samantha C. Thrift 2014), provide particu- larly visible examples of how social media can be used to redirect attention in feminist responses to sexual violence from campaigns rooted in the behavior of the survivor to those that target the actions of those who might rape.
Read as a collectivizing feminist response to rape culture, #safetytipsforladies reveals the femi- nist delight in exposing misogynist, victim-blaming ideas through humor, in ways that resonated around the Internet. Feminist blogs and the online press registered the impact and virality of the feminist hashtag through their “best of” and “favorites” lists. For Madeline Davies (2013) of Jezebel, “the women of Twitter took over something dumb and made it into something awesome.” In this way, the humor of #safteytipsforladies explains both its spread and the memetic remaking of feminist jokes that respond to victim blaming attitudes and slut-shaming rhet- oric (see Limor Shifman 2014, 94–96). In the pro- cess, #safetytipsforladies helped change the terms of feminist debate about sexual violence, drawing broader media attention to feminist rape prevention discourse through the derisive laughter that ener- gizes current feminisms (Susan Douglas 2010, 22). The hashtag activism of #safetytipsforladies illus- trates how humor nurtures a politics of joy and resil- ience in the face of rape culture and its apologists. Alongside the feminist feeling structures of rage and exasperation in the fight against the pernicious vic- tim blaming of so much rape prevention, feminist hashtag humor asserts the value of hijacking spaces of discussion and commentary online, articulating feminist critique in ways that also, importantly, make us laugh.
R E F E R E N C E S
Bing, Janet. 2007. “Liberated Jokes: Sexual Humor in All-Fe- male Groups.” Humor 20 (4): 337–366.
Bowman-Smart, Hilary. 2013a. “Chronicling the Unex- ceptional.” Tumblr, March 20. Accessed July 11, 2014. h t tp : / / pa s y l r ee . tumb l r. com/pos t /45816844116 / safetytipsforladies-a-hashtag-about-how-tired.
discourse. Tweets by Kayla @fangirl124 and FemArm- ChairRegime @femarmchairregime joked that women should don chain mail or three sweat suits, a ski mask, and sleeping bag to avoid rape, using hyperbolic exaggeration to reveal the irrational vic- tim-blaming logic behind the idea that what women wear makes them more susceptible to sexual assault. Bonnie Dean @BonDean deployed a humorous visual meme to suggest that women should leave their vagi- nas at home before they go out, referencing comic Wanda Sykes’ stand-up routine where she jokingly advised the same, while Lesley @jarvgirl suggested that women should have a 404 Error code tattooed around their bikini line. Mikki Kendall (@Karnythia), creator of the hashtag #SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen (2013), called out victim-blaming rape prevention by stating that most advice tells women to “stop being a woman in public. #safetytipsforladies” (March 25, 2013).
That women turned to Twitter to express their exasperation with rape prevention advice is quite revealing, for they simultaneously hijacked typical prevention discourse and repopulated Twitter chan- nels with a different kind of peer-to-peer advice giv- ing. Tweets using the hashtag were quickly generated and recirculated, demonstrating how humor fuels the dissemination of feminist ideas via social media (see Bing 2007). Noting the speed with which the hashtag caught on, feminist bloggers commented on the absurdity of most anti-rape advice directed at women, emphasizing the need to “shift the focus to the ones doing the raping instead” (HarlotOverdrive 2013). While tweets collectivized expressions of fem- inist “fed-upness” (Carrie A. Rentschler 2014), #safe- tytipsforladies also indexed suggestions for solving the problem of rape in ways others found useful (e.g., Kristina Chew 2013). Tweets such as Kate Wood’s @ gimmepanda combined satirical jabs at the individu- alizing, paranoia-producing “tips” format of anti-rape risk management advice while also criticizing the stranger danger paradigm of rape prevention. Rape Crisis Scotland’s humorous 2012 campaign “Top Ten Tips to End Rape,” re-tweeted with #safetytips- forladies, tells men how not to rape by, among other things, advising men to carry whistles to warn poten- tial victims. While presented jokingly, the campaign nonetheless models how to make potential rapists responsible for their behavior.
As film scholar Yuriko Furuhata argues, media hijacks like those we see in feminist hashtags represent
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Alicia Garza / 57. A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement 583
Kendall, Mikki. 2013. “#SolidarityIsForWhiteWomen: Women of Color’s Issue with Digital Feminism.” The Guardian, August 14. Accessed August 11, 2014. http:// www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/aug/14/ solidarityisforwhitewomen-hashtag-feminism.
Mardorossian, Carine. 2002. “Toward a New Feminist Theory of Rape.” Signs 27 (3): 743–775.
McCaughey, Martha. 1998. Real Knockouts: The Physical Fem- inism of Women’s Self-Defense. New York: New York Univer- sity Press.
Rentschler, Carrie A. 1999. “Women’s Self-Defense: Physical Education for Everyday Life.” Women’s Studies Quarterly 26 (1): 152–161.
Rentschler, Carrie A. 2014. “Rape Culture and the Feminist Politics of Social Media.” Girlhood Studies 7 (1): 65–82.
Shifman, Limor. 2014. Memes in Digital Culture. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
“‘stop rape’ dislodging ‘stay safe’ advice on social media.” 2013. CBC.ca Storify. Accessed October 16, 2014. https://storify.com/cbccommunity/both-sexes-boost- stop-rape-answer-to-stay-safe-adv.
Thrift, Samantha C. 2014. “#YesAllWomen as Feminist Meme Event.” Feminist Media Studies 14 (6): 1090–1092.
“TOP TEN TIPS TO END RAPE.” 2012. Glasgow: Rape Crisis Scotland.
Bowman-Smart, Hilary. 2013b. “#safteytipsforladies, or Why vic- tim-Blaming is Moronic.” Hilaroar (blog), March 21. Accessed July 11, 2014. http://hilaroar.tumblr.com/post/45957899437/ safetytipsforladies-or-why-victim-blaming-is.
Chew, Kristina. 2013. “Let’s be Honest: These are the 15 Best Safety Tips for Women.” The Care2 (blog), March 26. Accessed July 11, 2014. http://www.care2.com/causes/ best-15-safetytipsforladies-from-ladies-who-.
Davies, Madeline. 2013. “Women Take Over #safteytipsforladies and Make it 100 Times Better.” Jezebel (blog), March 25. Accessed July 11, 2014. http://jezebel.com/5992329/women- take-over-safetytipsforladies-and-make-it-100-times-better.
Douglas, Susan. 2010. Enlightened Sexism: The Seductive Message that Feminism’s Work is Done. New York: Times Books.
Furuhata, Yuriko. 2013. Cinema of Actuality: Japanese Avant- Garde Filmmaking in the Season of Image Politics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Hall, Rachel. 2004. “‘It Can Happen to You’: Rape Prevention in the Age of Risk Management.” Hypatia 19 (3): 1–19.
HarlotOverdrive. 2013. “#safteytipsforladies (or why I want you to stop telling me how I can prevent being sexually assaulted).” Harlot Overdrive: Sex, Culture, Nonsense (blog), March 20. Accessed July 11, 2014. http://harlotoverdrive. wordpress.com/2013/03/20/safetytipsforladies/.
READING 57
A Herstory of the #BlackLivesMatter Movement
Alicia Garza
I CREATED #BLACKLIvESMATTER with Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, two of my sisters, as a call to action for Black people after seventeen-year-old
Trayvon Martin was posthumously placed on trial for his own murder and the killer, George Zimmerman, was not held accountable for the crime he commit- ted. It was a response to the anti-Black racism that permeates our society and also, unfortunately, our movements.
Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are system- atically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks’ contributions to this soci- ety, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression.
We were humbled when cultural workers, artists, designers, and techies offered their labor and love to expand #BlackLivesMatter beyond a social media hashtag. Opal, Patrisse, and I created the infrastruc- ture for this movement project—moving the hashtag from social media to the streets. Our team grew through a very successful Black Lives Matter ride, led and designed by Patrisse Cullors and Darnell L. Moore, organized to support the movement that is growing in St. Louis, MO, after eighteen-year old Mike Brown was killed at the hands of Ferguson Police Offi- cer Darren Wilson. We’ve hosted national conference calls focused on issues of critical importance to Black people working hard for the liberation of our people. We’ve connected people across the country working
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,
truth-telling and intellectual activism
by patricia hill collins
Speak the truth to the people
Talk sense to the people
Free them with reason
Free them with honesty
Free the people with Love and Courage
and Care for their-Being Mari Evans, from I Am a Black Woman (1970)
Mari Evans’ poem invokes the social and political upheaval of the
Civil Rights and Black Power movements in this country. Like others
of her generation, Evans rejected the separation between scholar-
ship and activism, school and society, thinking and doing. She wrote
poems, plays, children’s books, and a musical adaptation of Zora Neale
Hurston’s Their Eyes Were Watching God. Along with other artists,
intellectuals, and activists at the time, she engaged in multiple forms
of intellectual activism.
37WINTER 2013 contexts
I wonder how effec-
tively today’s scholars
and public intellectuals
speak the truth about
contemporary social
issues. New technolo-
gies have opened up
formerly unimaginable
ways for us to talk to
one another. We are swimming in information, but how much
of that information moves us closer to the truths that will sustain
us? Individuals can now see themselves on YouTube and post
their ideas on blogs with blinding speed. Yet for all this talk
and noise, what are we saying that is of value? Where are the
conversations that will spur contemporary intellectual activism?
Breathing life into ideas requires working across differences and
building communities in which dialogue is possible.
Today, in our increasingly corporate colleges and universities
and monopolistic mainstream media, we confront a contradic-
tory politics of inclusion and exclusion. Some of those from
formerly excluded groups now occupy positions of power and
authority inside the social institutions that once excluded them.
Many of these insiders engage in intellectual work. At the same
time, as the lyrics of global hip-hop remind us, far too many
people remain excluded.
As an American citizen, an African American woman from
a working-class background, and an academic who has expe-
rienced considerable upward social mobility, I am both an
insider and an outsider. Throughout my professional career, I
have struggled to gain clarity about how ever-shifting patterns
of belonging and exclusion have shaped the
contours of my intellectual activism.
Negotiating the contemporary politics of
knowledge production as an “outsider within”
raises some fundamental dilemmas. In a mis-
guided effort to protect standards, many of my
academic colleagues at different colleges and
universities derogate any work that is “popu-
lar” as less rigorous or scholarly. They see such
“political” work as nonacademic. Such norms
suppress the kind of engaged scholarship
that interests me and that is fundamental for
intellectual activism. But because ideas and politics are every-
where, the potential for intellectual activism is also everywhere.
speaking truth to power There are two primary strategies of intellectual activism.
One tries to speak the truth to power. This form of truth telling
uses the power of ideas to confront existing power relations.
On a metaphorical level, speaking the truth to power invokes
images of changing the very foundations of social hierarchy
where the less powerful take on the ideas and practices of the
powerful, often armed solely with their ideas. One can imagine
this process through the David and Goliath story of the weak
standing up to the strong, armed only with a slingshot (as relying
solely on the power of one’s ideas seems to be). A Google search
of the phrase “speak the truth to power” uncovers numerous
hits seemingly focused on confronting those who wield power
within existing social institutions.
My lengthy educational training was designed to equip
me to wield the language of power to serve the interests of
the gatekeepers who granted me legitimacy. My teachers did
not consider that I might choose to use those same weapons
to challenge much of what I learned, at least not as deeply as
I have actually done. While we may think of our educations
as our individual intellectual property, we quickly fi nd out that
powerful groups expect us to place our fancy degrees in service
to conservative political agendas. Power routinely claims that it
has a monopoly on the truth. Yet my education revealed multiple
truths, most of which were co-opted and repackaged to suit the
vested interests of the more powerful. The richness of alternative
points of view remained ignored, neglected, ridiculed, and/or
persecuted out of existence.
Much of my academic writing strives to
speak the truth to power, namely, to develop
alternative analyses of social injustices that
scholarly audiences will fi nd credible. Much
of my career as a sociologist has been spent
speaking the truth to power about race, class,
gender, and sexuality, yet race has been central.
I have focused on anti-racist discourse and prac-
tice that might catalyze people to think about
their worlds differently and, as a result, act
differently within them. My work constitutes
theoretical interventions in what counts as truth
about race and racism.
Contexts, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 36-39, 41. ISSN 1536-5042, electronic ISSN 1537-6052. © 2013 Temple University Press. Used by permission of Temple University Press. http://contexts.sagepub.com. DOI 10.1177/1536504213476244
Illustrations by Corey Fields
38 contexts.org
This is a difficult time to talk overtly about race; many
American citizens believe that we are living in a post-racial world.
The election of Barack Obama has simultaneously highlighted
the visibility of race and the difficulties of talking about it. In this
context, terms like “family,” “community,” “post-racial society,”
and “color blindness” are invoked by thinkers on both the left
and the right sides of the political spectrum, with racial subtexts
carried within what appears to be a newfound unity across the
historically divisive categories of race and gender. I think that if
we can change our thinking about race, we can do so about
gender, class, sexuality, religion, and citizenship too.
Speaking the truth to power in ways that undermine and
challenge that power is often best done as an insider. Some
changes are best initiated from within the belly of the beast.
Standing outside, throwing stones at the beast, and calling it
names won’t change much, except perhaps, to make the beast
more dangerous because now it no longer believes that its
underlings love it. Challenging power structures from the inside,
and working cracks in the system, requires learning to speak
multiple languages of power convincingly.
speaking truth to the people A second strategy of intellectual activism aims to speak the
truth directly to the people. In contrast to directing energy to
those in power, a focus that inadvertently bolsters the belief that
elites are the only social actors who count,
those who speak the truth to the people
talk directly to the masses. The distinction
here is critical. It’s the difference between
producing a memo that documents the
many cases of a boss’s bad behavior and
beseeches him or her to change his or her
ways and having a meeting with the staff to strategize ways
that they, individually and collectively, might deal with the boss
and the lines of authority that put them in the situation to begin
with. The former strategy speaks the truth to power—the latter
strategy speaks the truth to the people.
Mari Evans’ poem exemplifies this second form of truth tell-
ing. Evans demands much from intellectual activists by arguing
that ordinary, everyday people need truthful ideas that will assist
them in their everyday lives. Such truth-telling requires talking,
reason, honesty, love, courage, and care. For academics whose
horizons have been narrowed to preparing for the next reap-
pointment, promotion, and tenure committee meeting, or their
lecture for the huge introductory sociology class that meets at
9:00 a.m. three days a week like clockwork, this conception of
truth-telling constitutes a luxury that may be reserved for only
the most privileged faculty members. Who has time to talk with
every student, reason with the students, give them an honest
assessment of the required textbook, love them in ways that
empower and not demean, show the courage to try something
radically different, and express a level of basic care?
Intellectual activists who devote their attention to the public
can pay a high price. In the United States, scholars and activists
who place their education in service to their local publics are
routinely passed over for cushy jobs, fat salaries, and the chance
to appear on National Public Radio. In some areas of the globe,
speaking the truth to the people lands you not on cable television
but under house arrest, in jail, or killed. Contemporary American
intellectuals must remember that, when it comes to our ability
to claim the power of ideas, we are the fortunate ones. For
our parents, friends, relatives, and neighbors who lack literacy,
work long hours, and/or consume seemingly endless doses of
so-called reality television, the excitement of hearing new ideas
Because ideas and politics are everywhere, the potential for intellectual activism is also everywhere.
39WINTER 2013 contexts
that challenge social inequalities can be a rarity.
I am an intellectual whose scholarly work aspires to speak
the truth to power. Yet a sizable portion of my intellectual work
has also aimed to speak the truth to the people. Both forms of
truth telling are intertwined throughout my intellectual career,
with my books, journal articles, and essays arrayed along a
continuum with speaking the truth to power and speaking the
truth to the people on either end. Engaging these two forms of
truth telling within a singular work is challenging.
speaking in multiple registers My book, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Conscious-
ness and the Politics of Empowerment is written in multiple
registers, for scholarly audiences as well as non-academic Afri-
can American women. I faced a difficult challenge in crafting
this book. How could I write a book about African American
women’s intellectual production that would be accepted by
scholarly audiences that had long excluded and derogated this
group? How might I write a book that spoke directly to African
American women that they would find truthful, yet avoid the
risk of being dismissed by scholarly audiences (who controlled
publishing resources)? I had to find ways to examine the everyday
creativity and resistance of African American women within the
constraints of an academic discourse that
would not be seen by scholars as being too
popular or political. I also had to consider
how my arguments would be recogniz-
able to and useful for African American
women. And I had to sharpen my skills of
translation.
Because the material at that time was so new and I was
an unknown scholar, I knew that my publisher would recruit
scholarly reviewers to give my manuscript a thorough assess-
ment. Yet to shield my book from the power relations that
made African American women objects of scholarly knowledge,
I also developed ways of including African American women as
reviewers of my material.
I invited a few Afri-
can American women
undergraduates from
my University of Cin-
cinnati Africana Studies
courses to serve as
readers for chapters of
my manuscript. They
were bright, energetic,
primari ly working-
class students whose
childhoods in the Cincinnati metropolitan area had provided
them broad, heterogeneous networks of African American
friends, neighbors, and relatives. I was not interested in my stu-
dents’ ability to correct my English or inform me of how my book
might benefit from additional citations from the top scholarly
journals. Instead, I asked them t
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